The assassination of Malcolm X, who did it, what role did Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam play, etc., etc., has been a constant topic of discussion for 56 years. Most recently, we were “treated” to the mediocre documentary on Netflix entitled “Who Killed Malcolm X.” With a razor focus on the people who directly participated in Malcolm’s assassination as opposed to who didn’t, for example, this limited work spent much of its time demonstrating how Muhammad Abdul Aziz, formally known as Norman 2X Butler, and Khalil Islam, formally known as Thomas 15X Johnson, each spent prison time for the assassination, but were not involved. This of course is something people in the revolutionary Pan-Africanist community have known for decades. And, this documentary, as is the trend with recent works, discredits even its own thesis about Aziz and Islam by pretty much ignoring the fact that each of them were known gangster enforcers within the Nation of Islam in the 60s. This is the reason every member of Malcolm’s Organization of Afro-American Unity swore those two were never present at the Audobon Ballroom that fateful day. Those two men had brutalized people in Harlem for years and this was widely known so although they certainly should not have spent time in prison for the one crime they didn’t commit – the assassination of Malcolm X – excuse us if we feel that focusing on their “innocence” is nothing more than subterfuge designed to keep us from realizing the true stories in play here. Even for those who are stuck on focusing on the Nation of Islam’s role in the entire drama, an analysis around that question that doesn’t place Elijah Muhammad’s children i.e. Eljah Jr. front and center is going to be incomplete. Also, the Supreme Caption of the Fruit of Islam; Raymond Shariff and his wife Ethel, National Secretary (and probable Federal Bureau of Investigation informant) John Ali, Philadelphia Minister Jeremiah Shabazz, , Yusef Shah, formally Captain Joseph Stephens, New Jersey Minister and Captain James Shabazz and Clarence X Gill, as well as Minister Farrakhan and of course Warith Deen Muhammad (Elijah Muhammad’s son who succeeded him when the elder Muhammad passed in 1975) all have to be examined in order to fully even understand the Nation of Islam’s role. Regardless, the point of this piece is even with all of that information, people focused on who killed Malcolm still miss the important point. Why was he killed, or what exactly was he doing that caused him to be killed in the first place? If you rely on the Netflix documentary or Spike Lee’s 1992 biopic film, you would believe that Malcolm disclosing that Elijah Muhammad fathered children out of wedlock was the smoking gun. I first saw the 1970s documentary about Malcolm’s assassination in 1979 at 17 years of age and I knew even then that the out of wedlock children couldn’t have been the real story. The question of what the real story is has caused lots of influential entitles, from Netflix to Warner Brothers (who distributed Lee’s movie in 1992) to find it necessary to stick to the narrative that gossip and jealously were the primary reasons Malcolm was killed. We didn’t buy that in the 60s, and we aren’t buying it now.
Instead, we suggest a much more logical narrative around Malcolm’s assassination beyond just that the U.S. government killed him because they didn’t like his rhetoric. No one gets assassinated just because of what they are saying. The assassination takes place because they are building capacity to bring what they are saying into reality. So, analysis is needed today that relegates the issues of Elijah Muhammad’s sexual urges where they belong, in the background of importance around this critical issue. Malcolm X was assassinated because he had emerged as the dominate voice of African discontent with the U.S. capitalist system. And, he wasn’t just a voice speaking on a lone stoop. He was someone who’s voice had impact on the people in Northern inner cities as well as activists working on civil rights in the deep South, and even throughout Africa and other parts of the world. Malcolm’s experiences and influences, broadened significantly from his travels, had made him most notably the chief critique of U.S. imperialism and millions of people were waiting for additional analysis and direction from him as to how we should proceed. This is what this power structure was frightened of. They knew that people were paying close attention to Malcolm and that if permitted to live, his influence would grow far beyond even the extensive levels he had developed while a minister within the Nation of Islam. They even knew that there were significant players in the worldwide revolutionary and socialist movements who were not only paying attention to Malcolm, but were establishing relationships with him with the intent of furthering their work together. This was a development that U.S. imperialism was intent on ensuring would never happen.
One of those entities were the principled revolutionaries within the Cuban revolution. Firmly supported by the masses of Cuban people. And, well within the journey of beginning to consolidate their socialist revolution just 90 miles from U.S. imperialism, the Cubans had established ties with Malcolm while he was still in the Nation of Islam. Most students of this era know that Malcolm met with Fidel Castro, leader of the Cuban revolution when a delegation from the newly victorious revolution came to the U.S. in 1960. What has been mostly ignored is that the contact between Malcolm and the Cuban revolutionaries didn’t stop there. What we know about the Cuban revolution that no knowledgeable person can ever dispute is that they have written the book on building principled relationships across ideological lines. They have always been intelligent enough to realize that whether Nkrumahist-Tureist (Pan-Africanist) Maoist, or whatever, building broad anti-imperialist ties is always going to be the most important thing for them and the strength of our worldwide movement. So, they forged relationships with Malcolm because they studied the situation enough within the U.S. to recognize that he had integrity, courage, commitment, and a following.
Intense study of Malcolm’s connections with Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, Sekou Ture in Guinea, Gamal Abdul Nasser in Egypt, Mrs. Shirley Graham DuBois (who played a key role in introducing Malcolm and Kwame Ture – formally Stokely Carmichal – to Kwame Nkrumah and Sekou Ture) Fidel and Che’s writing from Cuba, and Malcolm’s own diary, provides some insight. What we glean from this study is that there is a strong probability that Malcolm had other meetings with the Cubans, including their probable invitation to him to come to Cuba and participate in worldwide revolutionary activities that would be based in Havana. Malcolm makes subtle references to this in several of his speeches. He talks about welcoming Che Guevara to New York when Guevara went there to speak to the United Nations in 1964 (when Che gave his famous “two, three Vietnams for the U.S. speech). Malcolm’s words suggest much more than just arbitrary solidarity with the Argentine revolutionary. They suggest a larger agenda. One that Malcolm was primed to engage with and support.
For their part, Castro and Guevara helped establish a clear and unquestionable level of support for the African struggle for liberation within the U.S. They spoke consistently about the injustices of white supremacy within the U.S.. They did that in 1959 and they continue to do that in 2021. They provided concrete backing to their rhetoric by providing safe grounding for African revolutionaries all over the world, including those from the U.S. like Robert Williams, Eldridge Cleaver (before he flipped), Huey P. Newton, Kwame Ture, Bill Brent, Assata Shakur, and many others who like Assata, still reside in Cuba. Based on that firm history, there is absolutely no reason for us to believe the Cuban revolutionaries were not ready, willing, and active in offering the same levels of support for Malcolm, the man who helped shape (with the possible exception of Williams) all of the people just mentioned.
Of course, like with everything else about Malcolm’s radicalization period after leaving the confines of the Nation of Islam, there is only scant time and evidence from which to suggest which direction he was headed in during the 11 months between his split from the Nation and his death. Still, what we do know is that he traveled extensively. Much more than his sister Ella could have financed. And, Malcolm had no declarable income i.e. job, etc., during that 11 month period. We know that his thinking evolved a great deal while he was in the Nation, but at the lightening pace after he left the Nation. We also know that the Cuban revolutionaries, expressed through their own words, admired the radical Muslim minister. And, that in their serious fight against U.S. imperialism during the 60s, they actively sought allies within the U.S. and there was none better during that time with more credibility than El Hajj Malik El Shabazz.
As time continues to pass, more and more information will become available to us. Don’t be shocked, and don’t forget that we told you so, when it becomes revealed that Malcolm did indeed meet with Che Guevara. And, that they were working on projects, to be carried out like the equally unknown projects Malcolm was working on with Nkrumah, Ture, and other Pan-Africanists. Concrete projects. Projects that imperialism, who will most likely be the eventual leak for this information, whether that’s their intention or not, knew it had to do whatever it could to prevent from happening. We encourage everyone to study these workings and leave the babies out of wedlock jealously narratives behind. If you want to engage gossip, then those perspectives will help you, but if you want to seriously understand the concrete reasons why Malcolm was taken from us, much more is required. Meanwhile, you can depend upon imperialism to continue to endorse and finance propaganda designed to confuse us and keep us from realizing who Malcolm and other genuine revolutionaries actually were. What they were fighting for, and the reasons their work was sabotaged because as long as they can keep us from understanding those elements, they know we won’t see the need to continue that work. And, if we don’t continue that international revolutionary solidarity and unity work, they know that they will continue to win.
Instead, we suggest a much more logical narrative around Malcolm’s assassination beyond just that the U.S. government killed him because they didn’t like his rhetoric. No one gets assassinated just because of what they are saying. The assassination takes place because they are building capacity to bring what they are saying into reality. So, analysis is needed today that relegates the issues of Elijah Muhammad’s sexual urges where they belong, in the background of importance around this critical issue. Malcolm X was assassinated because he had emerged as the dominate voice of African discontent with the U.S. capitalist system. And, he wasn’t just a voice speaking on a lone stoop. He was someone who’s voice had impact on the people in Northern inner cities as well as activists working on civil rights in the deep South, and even throughout Africa and other parts of the world. Malcolm’s experiences and influences, broadened significantly from his travels, had made him most notably the chief critique of U.S. imperialism and millions of people were waiting for additional analysis and direction from him as to how we should proceed. This is what this power structure was frightened of. They knew that people were paying close attention to Malcolm and that if permitted to live, his influence would grow far beyond even the extensive levels he had developed while a minister within the Nation of Islam. They even knew that there were significant players in the worldwide revolutionary and socialist movements who were not only paying attention to Malcolm, but were establishing relationships with him with the intent of furthering their work together. This was a development that U.S. imperialism was intent on ensuring would never happen.
One of those entities were the principled revolutionaries within the Cuban revolution. Firmly supported by the masses of Cuban people. And, well within the journey of beginning to consolidate their socialist revolution just 90 miles from U.S. imperialism, the Cubans had established ties with Malcolm while he was still in the Nation of Islam. Most students of this era know that Malcolm met with Fidel Castro, leader of the Cuban revolution when a delegation from the newly victorious revolution came to the U.S. in 1960. What has been mostly ignored is that the contact between Malcolm and the Cuban revolutionaries didn’t stop there. What we know about the Cuban revolution that no knowledgeable person can ever dispute is that they have written the book on building principled relationships across ideological lines. They have always been intelligent enough to realize that whether Nkrumahist-Tureist (Pan-Africanist) Maoist, or whatever, building broad anti-imperialist ties is always going to be the most important thing for them and the strength of our worldwide movement. So, they forged relationships with Malcolm because they studied the situation enough within the U.S. to recognize that he had integrity, courage, commitment, and a following.
Intense study of Malcolm’s connections with Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, Sekou Ture in Guinea, Gamal Abdul Nasser in Egypt, Mrs. Shirley Graham DuBois (who played a key role in introducing Malcolm and Kwame Ture – formally Stokely Carmichal – to Kwame Nkrumah and Sekou Ture) Fidel and Che’s writing from Cuba, and Malcolm’s own diary, provides some insight. What we glean from this study is that there is a strong probability that Malcolm had other meetings with the Cubans, including their probable invitation to him to come to Cuba and participate in worldwide revolutionary activities that would be based in Havana. Malcolm makes subtle references to this in several of his speeches. He talks about welcoming Che Guevara to New York when Guevara went there to speak to the United Nations in 1964 (when Che gave his famous “two, three Vietnams for the U.S. speech). Malcolm’s words suggest much more than just arbitrary solidarity with the Argentine revolutionary. They suggest a larger agenda. One that Malcolm was primed to engage with and support.
For their part, Castro and Guevara helped establish a clear and unquestionable level of support for the African struggle for liberation within the U.S. They spoke consistently about the injustices of white supremacy within the U.S.. They did that in 1959 and they continue to do that in 2021. They provided concrete backing to their rhetoric by providing safe grounding for African revolutionaries all over the world, including those from the U.S. like Robert Williams, Eldridge Cleaver (before he flipped), Huey P. Newton, Kwame Ture, Bill Brent, Assata Shakur, and many others who like Assata, still reside in Cuba. Based on that firm history, there is absolutely no reason for us to believe the Cuban revolutionaries were not ready, willing, and active in offering the same levels of support for Malcolm, the man who helped shape (with the possible exception of Williams) all of the people just mentioned.
Of course, like with everything else about Malcolm’s radicalization period after leaving the confines of the Nation of Islam, there is only scant time and evidence from which to suggest which direction he was headed in during the 11 months between his split from the Nation and his death. Still, what we do know is that he traveled extensively. Much more than his sister Ella could have financed. And, Malcolm had no declarable income i.e. job, etc., during that 11 month period. We know that his thinking evolved a great deal while he was in the Nation, but at the lightening pace after he left the Nation. We also know that the Cuban revolutionaries, expressed through their own words, admired the radical Muslim minister. And, that in their serious fight against U.S. imperialism during the 60s, they actively sought allies within the U.S. and there was none better during that time with more credibility than El Hajj Malik El Shabazz.
As time continues to pass, more and more information will become available to us. Don’t be shocked, and don’t forget that we told you so, when it becomes revealed that Malcolm did indeed meet with Che Guevara. And, that they were working on projects, to be carried out like the equally unknown projects Malcolm was working on with Nkrumah, Ture, and other Pan-Africanists. Concrete projects. Projects that imperialism, who will most likely be the eventual leak for this information, whether that’s their intention or not, knew it had to do whatever it could to prevent from happening. We encourage everyone to study these workings and leave the babies out of wedlock jealously narratives behind. If you want to engage gossip, then those perspectives will help you, but if you want to seriously understand the concrete reasons why Malcolm was taken from us, much more is required. Meanwhile, you can depend upon imperialism to continue to endorse and finance propaganda designed to confuse us and keep us from realizing who Malcolm and other genuine revolutionaries actually were. What they were fighting for, and the reasons their work was sabotaged because as long as they can keep us from understanding those elements, they know we won’t see the need to continue that work. And, if we don’t continue that international revolutionary solidarity and unity work, they know that they will continue to win.
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