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The Black Bourgeoisie.  Chauvin & The Con Against African Justice

4/20/2021

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Derek Chauvin, the Minneapolis, Minnesota, U.S. slave catcher (police) who brutally murdered George Floyd a year ago while being videotaped doing so, was convicted today.  At the very least, the convictions will require him to spend a significant amount of time in prison, if not the rest of his mortal life.  Regardless, read no further if you expect us to find some reason to celebrate.

If you study the news reports coming out about the verdict from African (Black) news sources (and of course the dominant capitalist/white supremacist media sources), the narrative being presented is that this verdict is some “piece of justice” for us, a people long denied any semblance of justice.  Those sources are also consistently echoing the ridiculous theme that since the Floyd family apparently sees the verdict as justice, that arbitrarily has to be the defining factor in the how the verdict must be seen by everyone.

The “piece of justice” talking point is being promoted by these African voices within the bourgeoisie media, people like Joy Reid and Michael Steele for example, as a clear tactic to appeal to the long suffering heart strings of the African masses and those who empathize with our condition.  To the untrained eye, this talking point would seem to be rooted in common sense.  From Emmet Till, to Medgar Evers, to Cynthia Wesley, Carole Robertson, Addie Mae Collins, to Denise McNair (Birmingham Church bombing), to the Rodney King beating, Latasha Harlins murder, Oscar Grant, all of the thousands of other police terrorism victims, and the thousands of lynched and otherwise terrorized Africans.  After centuries of this ongoing trauma, these bourgeoisie voices are working overtime to appeal to your fatigue, fear, and strong and legitimate desires for peace by telling us that this was the victory we needed.  And, to add the final layer of cement to this “analysis”, these people are pushing the emotionally charged closer statement that since the family says its so, it must be so because who would dare speak out against what the grieving family wants?

After 528 years of being bamboozeled and misled, pardon us if we take a completely different approach to this verdict than the repeated images of Africans on television celebrating, crying, hugging, and expressing raw emotions at the sight of a European police terrorist actually being convicted in a U.S. court of brutally taking the life of an African.  The legitimacy of our emotions is unquestioned and the desire of the family to see the beast responsible for the murder punished is equally understandable, but if we are serious about justice, and not just feeling better about one situation in a sea of millions, than we would be completely ill responsible if we didn’t raise several critical points.

And, those points are the “piece of justice” talking point is full of so many holes that there’s more air in that jug than water.  If I steal everything you have, keep you subjected for hundreds of years, and continue beating and oppressing you and your family members, the simple act of getting me up off of your head could seem like justice, but if we factor in the entire scenario of your exploitation of my existence, there is absolutely no way just having you stop and pay a price is ever going to equal justice.  As Malcolm X said almost 60 years ago “if you stab me in the back and you take the knife out, that’s not going to heal the wound.”  The verdict of Chauvin was the equivalent of taking the knife out.  In many instances, doing so causes the wound to become worse as bleeding out often occurs once the weapon is removed.  As Malcolm explained, the healing process requires addressing the hundreds of years of exploitation and the conditions that period created in which the current reality is just a snapshot of the oppression, not the definition of it.  In other words, even with the Chauvin verdict, and even if he’s sent away for life in prison, that does nothing for Breanna Taylor, Eric Garner, Sandra Bland, etc., etc., etc.  And, these bourgeoisie voices clearly have the intellectual capacity to recognize and understand that last point, but what you have to understand about the African petti bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie is the role they play in this society.  Their job is to serve as the buffer class between the African masses and the capitalist ruling classes.  Their responsibility, and the reason they have been afforded their position, is to ensure that as house slaves, they keep the field slaves under control.  So, its always their job to pour sand on the fire.  The way they are doing that in this instance is to tell us that despite the overwhelming consistency of injustice that we are consistently forced to endure, we should be satisfied in some way with this one “piece of justice.”  They tell us this not because they even believe it to be true.  They tell us this because their job is to prevent us from rebellion against the capitalist system.  And, they are entrusted with their high profile voices and the subsequent rewards provided to them for serving their masters to make sure there are no slave revolts.  This is the reason why you will never hear any of them saying the things being said here and even if some of them make an attempt to sound this way (in an effort to present some level of credibility in the process), they always circle back to the answers lying somewhere within the capitalist system that keeps us oppressed.

Regarding the question of the families, at first glance, this sounds so personal.  So, inappropriate to comment about, but in truth it is not.  Its not because the only reason you know about George Floyd is because the masses of people said what happened to him was unacceptable.  As a result, justice for him can never just belong to his biological family because they alone did not create the conditions that led to his case being protested all over the world.  They did not create the leverage that certainly played a significant role in creating the conditions where Chauvin could be convicted in the first place.  Since the people claimed George Floyd and made him the poster child of the larger movement for justice against police terrorism against the African masses, he now belongs to the people, not just his family.  Another way of explaining this phenomenon is the people claimed him because collectively, they understand that his murder was larger than just him.  The forces who support capitalism always want you to believe that his murder was a personal reality for him and his immediate family.  They want to tell you that because of this, whatever he was doing in his personal life is relevant to the conditions that led to his death, but the people know better.  They know that last spring, they were sick and tired of police terror against the African masses and this is proven by the fact that no one can dispute that had it been Jeff Floyd, or Marcus Floyd, or William Johnson, or Tabitha Williams, who Chauvin leaned into with his knee uncaring, unconcerned, while the person underneath screamed for mercy, the same resulting movement would have more than likely still resulted.  And, no one can really dispute that because if that was not true, protests would never have happened before George Floyd and they would never happen after him.  So, we can never accept this bourgeoisie narrative that the family is the deciding factor because the family didn’t make his name for him.  Its like in 1996 when I had the honor of bodyguarding Dr. Betty Shabazz, the widow of Malcolm X.  After much chiding by my comrades, I spoke to her and told her of the personal role Malcolm had played in my life since 1979.  I told her that I had always considered him my ideological father and I asked her if my doing so was okay with her.  She chuckled and told me that after all I had told her about her husband and my life, “he is your father regardless of what I would say.  You have earned that!”  I took that to mean Dr. Shabazz understood that her husband was not just her personal property. She knew that he belonged to people.  Later, I read statements from her where she confirmed that her knowing people embraced her husband the way we do had provided her the comfort that had helped her survive the years after his assassination.  By the same token, the people have earned the legacy of George Floyd and this is an important point because this is the only way to ensure that the legacy of his death (despite whatever nonrelated factors the forces of reaction want to try and make his death about) stays connected to our mass struggle for justice.  Plus, the problem with centering these police shootings on just the biological families is most of the time, most of them, as well as the person killed by police, are not involved in our movement for African liberation.  In fact, some of them are politically reactionary.  As a result, they are often not prepared to respond to the tragedy in any way beyond the personal and emotional.  That honors the collective component of our culture and our fight for freedom.  Their responses, however manifested, are of course important, but much of the dysfunction within the movement that has resulted from people developing opportunist and often exploitative practices on the back of the movement is the result of this unscientific line of bourgeoisie thinking that family = movement.
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The only thing that equals movement is people engaged in the organizing work to carry the struggle forward.  And, for anyone keeping score over the last 528 years, we refuse to let our struggle for justice be reduced to one, two, 10, or even 100, convictions in 2021 and beyond.  Just the fact that so much has to happen on our end to arrive at the slightest indication of doing the right thing is more than enough evidence for us to know that nothing short of the complete elimination of this backward capitalist system will bring us the actual justice we need and deserve.  They can keep their “piece of justice.”  Our people deserve the entire thing.

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COINTELPRO & My Kindred Spirit with Ana Mae Pictoh Aquash

4/13/2021

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Ana Mae Pictoh Aquash was a Mikmaw woman from Nova, Scotia, Canada, but she is known mostly because of her work within the American Indian Movement (AIM), primarily in South Dakota among the Lakota people there during he turbulent 1970s.  If you don’t know that history, you should study it.  I would suggest some of the important details from that period are included in the works of former AIM activists Ward Churchill (and Jim Vanderhill) in their 1987 book “The FBI’s Secret War against the Black Panther Party and American Indian Movement” and Mary Crow Dog in her 1990 book “Lakota Woman.”  There are others like Peter Matthiessen’s 1983 “In the Spirit of Crazy Horse.”

On February 24, 1976, after being missing and unheard from for months, Ana Mae’s decomposing body was discovered in a desolate area of the Pine Ridge, South Dakota reservation by a rancher.  Although two former AIM activists were eventually convicted for killing her in 2004; Arlo Looking Cloud and John Graham, with another former AIM member – Theda Clark – implicated, but never convicted, the story of Ana Mae’s life and death still remains unsolved for many Indigenous people and those of us concerned about justice. 

My interest in Ana Mae is one I haven’t truly come to understand until recent years.  I was born and raised in the inner city within a solidly African community.  I had no knowledge of the struggles of Indigenous peoples, not to mention understanding the land question for them in the Americas or us with Africa, until I entered my late teens and early twenties.  When I was 17, having acquired just enough information to become dangerous, I joined forces with a now defunct Black Nationalist/quasi Pan-Africanist formation that taught me solid self-defense skills coated with plenty of patriarchy and Black capitalism posing as liberation theory and practices.  After a few years in college working for Pan-African student organizing, by 22, I was a committed member of the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party (A-APRP).  For the last 37 years, the A-APRP has been my political home.  And, since the A-APRP has an institutional study process that guides our work, it was there that I learned who I am, who my people are, why we are in this position, and as a result of that, who the Indigenous people are.  The A-APRP had principled relationships with AIM and other Indigenous groups like El Partido LaRaza Unida which fit nicely with my own political evolution during that time in the early 80s.

By my own evolution, what I mean is although all of the above gave focus to my level of consciousness, my awareness of Ana Mae Aquash came before my formal organizational development.  I was 14 years old in 1976.  That was the year more than any other that shaped the direction for the rest of my life.  It was that year that I was subjected to brutal racist terror aimed against me by adult Europeans that was so barbaric it still amazes me that I’m still here to talk about it all.  It was also that year that I recall reading a small article about this Mikmac woman Indigenous activist who’s body was found in South Dakota.  I didn’t have a clue then why, but for some reason, this story stuck with me in 1976.  I recall that I asked my father about it.  He was no student of political history, but he was an African man born and raised in Louisiana, U.S., so without question, he understood institutionalized white supremacy.  As a result, his response to me about Ana Mae’s murder was that she was a member of AIM who were “like the Black Panthers for Indians.”

At 14, I had no formal understanding of much of anything except that this society was toxic for me and everyone who looked like me and so in my young mind at that time, anyone like the Panthers who tried to do something to combat that was good.  And, to me, if the Indigenous people needed something like AIM, and AIM served a similar purpose for them that the Panthers served for us, that must be a good thing.  There were a couple of years there where I was more than completely lost as a result of the constant trauma I was experiencing, but by the time I was turning 17, I had transformed myself into a voracious reader.  And, after reading Matthewson’s book when I was 21, my respect for Ana Mae, AIM, and the Indigenous struggle was cemented.  I read everything I could get my hands on about Ana Mae Aquash.  I learned that she lived in Boston, Mass, U.S., and did community work in the predominantly African Roxbury district and as a child who was completely abandoned by this system’s miseducation system, that truly resonated with me.  The idea that someone not even from my experience could see value in someone like me enough to work with our youth.  When I realized that due to her outstanding community work, Ana Mae was offered a fully paid scholarship to Brandeis University, which she turned down so that she could do AIM work in South Dakota, she became immortal to me.  Still studying, I had to figure out what happened to this magnificent woman.

Fast forward to current times.  I’ve lived and learned quite a bit.  During one of my many trips to Africa over the years, I had a conversation with an elder in Gambia during a break in some of the political work we were doing there.  This person asked me to tell them something about struggle in the U.S. and I thought it appropriate to start with the Indigenous people.  I told them about Ana Mae, her contributions, and how I’d always felt like she was a part of me.  I trusted this person so I asked them if they thought it strange for an African to feel such a connection to someone else outside of our community who died when I was a child?  This wise person responded by telling me that there are ancestors who take an interest in us and do what they can to help guide us forward in life.  They told me that since I had a heart for uncompromising struggle for justice, spirits who shared that passion would gravitate towards me.  They told me that some of those ancestors knew me.  Some didn’t, and it didn’t matter.  Some would be African, some could be any nationality and it didn’t matter either way.  Then, they told me that based on what I had told them about Ana Mae Aquash, they were convinced that she had chosen me and that I felt her as I did because she’s probably been a part of my life the entire time.  That voice in your head that tells you that you should do the right thing?  This wise person in Gambia told me that this is the ancestors and that Ana Mae was one of those voices in my head and she would continue to there unless I permanently deviated from my path of seeking justice.

For people opposed to spirituality or for those held captive only to the models forced upon us by colonialism, this interpretation will be hard to accept, but the moment this person explained this to me that way I knew it was true.  At that point, my worry was how I could ever maintain being worthy of Ana Mae’s guidance.

What all of this means for me today and moving forward is that I’ve tried to learn what I can from Ana Mae’s life so that my contribution can improve.  I know from the struggles of the Panthers, AIM, etc., that the lack of organized political education in those organizations contributed mightily to the dysfunction that led many of the leaders and members within AIM to wrongly conclude that Ana Mae was an informant for police agencies.  Anyone who studies this history will discover that the actions of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), in taking undue interest in the death of a poor Indigenous woman, stealing her body, severing her hands, and burying her immediately, while supporting a clearly bogus autopsy, demonstrates the FBI’s role in sabotaging any truth surfacing about what happened to Ana Mae.  And, the FBI’s overall sabotage against AIM is well documented by now by anyone who wants to know about it.  And, to Indigenous family who, like some of our African family, are so much more concerned about who killed Ana Mae (like we are equally focused on who killed Malcolm X), instead of why she was killed, I say maybe – AIM people pulled the trigger, but the FBI bought the bullets.

I’ve also learned that Ana Mae, like Malcolm, like all of us, had personal struggles.  Her personal struggle over not living with her two daughters and other mistakes she made in romance haunted her and this reality really shakes me because my similar mistakes have always tormented me deeply.  Since I’ve always been taught to believe I wasn’t good enough, any mistake I’ve made has always been magnified by me and others around me.  As a result, the lesson I’ve learned the best about Ana Mae that I’m convinced she has helped me grasp, is that we know who she is because of her outstanding contributions in building organizational capacity in AIM with women, battling patriarchy, and becoming one of the few women in national recognition within that organization due to her enormous contributions. Although the FBI obviously did a great job convincing enough people that Ana Mae was an informant, there is clear and plentiful documentation that when detained by the FBI on multiple occasions, she maintained dignity and courage while refused to tell them anything, despite the FBI being very manipulative and doing a lot to convince people that she cooperated with them.

Its those honored principles that makes Ana Mae special and whatever personal contradictions she had can never supersede her honored behavior when it mattered the most.  Her personal mistakes, like mine, are no one else’s business.  She, nor I, have abused a single person and as I’ve studied her life, I’ve seen the parallels.  Through her life I’ve seen in my own life how much people who pass judgement against you possess themselves values that a rat wouldn’t be impressed with.  I know now that much of this is often people working to keep you off balance because your efforts to live a principled life make them uncomfortable because of the pressure it places on them to become better as you are attempting to do. This ghetto raised African needed to learn those lessons because there are many people out here who will work overtime to undermine your value and despite the optics people maintain of me that I’m a strong person who can handle anything, those attacks wear you down over time just as they did Ana Mae. 
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I can honestly say that I think about Ana Mae countless times monthly and that I’ve done so since I was a teen.  Now that I understand why, I embrace it and I continue to view her as a shining light for the work I want to continue to do.  And, a major portion of that work is helping people today understand that its hard enough to build movement capacity without us doing things to help the police undermine our work.  With the internet, their ability to do so is much easier than it was during Ana Mae’s time.  As a result, I’m thankful for Ana Mae Aquash.  Her existence in my life exemplifies Marcus Garvey’s statement that we never know how much we do today will impact people later on.  Or, as the Lakota women said at Ana Mae’s transition ceremony, “everything comes back twice.”  Years ago, when I was doing a presentation on Cointelpro in front of a crowd, when I was talking about Ana Mae, I broke down which made everyone seemingly uncomfortable.  It certainly made me feel awkward.  Sometimes now when I’m thinking about, or talking about Ana Mae, or Malcolm, or Marilyn Buck, or Kwame Ture or, Fred Hampton and Mark Clark, I break down, just as tears are falling down my cheeks as I’m writing this, but now, I experience this with pride.  I know now finally that the age old saying is 100% correct that you can destroy the person, but you can never destroy their spirit!  I also know that despite the despicable treatment Ana Mae experienced in those final lonely months, and the resulting disrespect her demise generated for many years, that also will never define her legacy.  There are too many of us searching for uncompromising truth to permit that to ever happen.

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Deciding to Publish an Anti-capitalist Manifesto through Amazon

4/7/2021

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In February 2021, I published my fifth book; “A Guide for Organizing Defense against White Supremacist, Patriarchal, and Fascist Violence.”  I’m happy to say the book is really creating a sensation.  People everywhere, inside and outside of the U.S., are buying it, and requests to discuss the book continue to come in.  I believe the success for this book is related to its on the ground approach for organizing independently in an anti-capitalist way that provides readers with a toolkit for how to engage in effective organizing for beginners, intermediates, and experienced persons/organizations. 
I made the difficult decision to publish this 76 page manifesto through Amazon.com and this is what I wish to discuss here.  Of course, the question is continuously being posed to me.  “Is there a way I can purchase the book directly from you instead of Amazon?  How can you publish through Amazon?  They are so exploitative towards their workers? Etc.” 
First, let us remind you that we have been engaging in anti-capitalist organizing for decades, long before many people today even knew how to say the word – capitalism.  No one can argue that our work has ever compromised our anti-capitalist, pro-socialist, pro-revolutionary Pan-African foundation and principles.  So, if that’s true, why Amazon?
There are multiple variables that people, well meaning I’m sure, just don’t understand about organizing work in general and independent African organizing, and even the publishing industry, in particular.  First, I understand and respect people being opposed to oppressive corporations like Amazon.  I don’t like them either, but unlike many others, I’m not selective and arbitrary in how I engage capitalism.  I recall being 18 and just emerging in activist work.  At that time, one of the primary issues in the African liberation world was the anti-apartheid movement against racist segregation in Azania, or what you call South Africa.  As a student activist, we figured out that Bank of America invested in racist apartheid South Africa.  So, we launched a boycott of Bank of America.  As we got more engrained in that movement, I learned that to boycott every company that was in bed with apartheid would mean not even being able to have a drink of water.  The point there is good intentions are great, but if you look around you right now the reality is the clothes you are wearing were created with exploited resources and labor in Haiti, etc.  The device you are using to read this article, talk on the phone, Google whatever, is functional because of exploited African human and material resources from the Congo and Mozambique.  The car, bicycle, or public transportation you utilize uses gasoline coming from exploited countries.  The metal used to construct your mode of transportation is built from the same exploited materials.  So, everything around us is being utilized through a process of exploitation.  If you understand this reality than that should expand the conversation beyond the individualistic moral platitudes many of us unwittingly mistake for honest revolutionary principles.  In other words, if you are fighting a physical war against the enemy and the weapons available to you are made by Smith & Wesson, a despicable company that bankrolls the racist National Rifle Association, etc., if the enemy is advancing towards you, do you say “I refuse to fire this weapon to save my and my comrade’s lives (and advance the struggle) because I don’t like the company that made the weapon?” or, do you look at it as you will use that weapon, and any weapon available to you, for a greater objective?
 
And, none of the above is a justification for Amazon and their corrupt practices.  What I am saying is as Kwame Nkrumah said in his historic book “The Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare”, the oppressed when organizing must use whatever resources are available to them. 
Also, maybe people just don’t understand how this publishing thing actually works, but just so you know, African people are oppressed and exploited everywhere on earth.  The oppressed don’t write history because there are no long line of publishers out here looking for revolutionary Pan-Africanist literature or revolutionary literature coming from anyone.  The handful of publishers who are out here are mostly over capacity and unable to commit to more projects due to their limited resources to publish.  I know this because I’ve spent the last three years I’ve been writing this manifesto, and the last 10 years I’ve been writing and publishing books, talking to them and trying to find a home for my literature.  I’ve spoken to many wonderful people from various countries who have expressed great support for the query letter information I’ve sent them about this manifesto while expressing their inability to work with me for various reasons.
The other challenge for those who keep asking me if they can buy the book from me.  My response to them is my objective is to place this book in thousands of hands. Hundreds of thousands.  Millions of people.  I realize folks surely mean well, but I have no publishing resources and machinery to facilitate carrying out that objective.  I don’t have a means to ship thousands of books.  I don’t have any of those resources just like you don’t.  What I do have is a piece of work I’ve created that I’m trying to figure out how to get into people’s hands everywhere, so please don’t ask independent revolutionary authors if you can buy books from them unless they are only intending upon producing enough copies for a small reading group in the same area and nothing beyond that.  Also, don’t ask them to give you books.  I don’t know if people believe white supremacists when they keep saying rich European bourgeoisie liberals are funding our work, but if that’s true, somebody owes me millions in back money.
For us as revolutionaries, we have to weigh Nkrumah’s axiom to us and when we do that, the strategy we employ by going through Amazon is working to facilitate our objective.  Anyone anywhere can buy the manifesto for the extremely inexpensive pricing I arranged of only $8.00 USD for paperback and $5.00 for digital copies (clearly, based on the pricing, our objective was availability, not profitability).  As a result of the low pricing and easy availability, the book is being purchased by people in multiple countries.  So, you tell me, at the present time, what’s more important, us getting the word to as many people as we can, as quickly as we can, as mass as we can, without having to come out of our pocket to do so, so that we can build that capacity to overrun Amazon and all of these other capitalist thugs?  Or, should we continue to employ the type of arbitrary and selective principles some of you apparently feel are the right way which isn’t producing any meaningful capacity for us to do much of anything?
So, we get it.  You don’t like Amazon.  We don’t either.  We also don’t like the company we pay for electricity and gas.  We don’t like Target and the supermarket.  We don’t like getting gasoline from Shell and Chevron, etc.  What we do like is understanding and respecting the lessons of our ancestors.  The most successful slave revolts from Carlota from Nigeria/Cuba to Nanny of the Maroons, to Samory Ture in Guinea to Yaa Asantewaa in Ghana, etc., all contained some level of making the slave master believe they were 100% in charge while simultaneously organizing to overthrow them.   A lot of people need to learn the difference between principles and strategy and tactics.  Principally, we fight for capitalism’s elimination.  Strategically, we use whatever tools are available to us to fulfill our capacity to carry out that objective.  If this explanation doesn’t convince you, then you probably don’t want to be convinced so don’t support this manifesto or any independent revolutionary, African, Indigenous, etc., work.  And, if you have a better organizing method then we do, we sure wish you would stop keeping it such a secret.

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    I don't see disagreement as a negative because I understand that Frederick Douglass was correct when he said "there is no progress without struggle."  Our brains are muscles.  Just like any other muscle in our body if we don't stress it and push it, the brain will not improve.  Or, as a bumper sticker I saw once put it, "If you can't change your mind, how do you know it's there?"

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